جامعه شناسی  sociology

منبع : reference:  http://www.qualitative-research.net

لینک دانلود فایل pdf

 Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, Vol 10, No 2 (2009)

-->

Font Size:     

Volume 10, No. 2, Art. 26 – May 2009

Sociological Discourse Analysis: Methods and Logic

Jorge Ruiz Ruiz

Abstract: Sociological discourse analysis shares many of the procedures of other social sciences. Yet sociologists differ greatly in terms of how they approach discourse analysis, thus leading to confusion and doubts regarding the scientific status of sociological discourse analysis. In this article we attempt to clarify the methodological basis of sociological discourse analysis by differentiating it from other discourse analysis practices. To do so, we examine what sociologists actually do when they analyze discourse, while focusing on the common elements and principles shared by the different approaches to sociological discourse analysis.

Key words: discourse analysis; qualitative social research; textual analysis; contextual analysis; sociological interpretation; abduction

Table of Contents

1. Introduction

2. Discourse

3. Levels of Sociological Discourse Analysis

3.1 Textual analysis: Discourse as object

3.2 Contextual analysis: Discourse as a singular event

3.3 Sociological analysis: Discourse as information, ideology and a social product

4. The Logic of Sociological Discourse Interpretation

5. Analysis in Practice: An Example

6. Discussion

Acknowledgments

Notes

References

Author

Citation

1. Introduction

To a large extent, sociological discourse analysis has been built up through the adoption and adaptation of methods of analysis developed in other social sciences. As a result, sociological discourse analysis shares many of the elements found in analyses conducted in a wide range of disciplines including linguistics, ethnography, anthropology and psychology, to name but a few. The peculiar manner in which discourse analysis has developed in sociology has led to an enormous diversity of styles and forms of analysis. Rather than providing a particular method for analyzing discourse from a sociological standpoint, sociologists resort to a series of practices and procedures that are used in very diverse ways in their professional practice. A brief look at the variety of manuals that have been published on this topic suffices to confirm the lack of consensus concerning what is meant by sociological discourse analysis or how to approach it¹⁾. [1]

The diversity of approaches and the lack of a formal framework for sociological discourse analysis have given rise to confusion and misconceptions among those who are familiar with this social research practice. There are at least three reasons for this. The first is that sociological discourse analysis has been identified, in a fundamental or exclusive manner, with one or another of the particular procedures associated with it. Second, sociological discourse analysis is considered a research practice lacking in rigor which depends to a lesser or greater extent on the criterion of the analyst²⁾. Finally, doubt has been cast upon sociological discourse analysis as a method of analysis in its own right. It is therefore necessary to explain what sociological discourse analysis actually involves; a task that should aim to answer two questions which basically refer to the same thing, namely what features distinguish sociological discourse analysis from analyses conducted in other scientific disciplines and what elements are shared by the different procedures in sociological discourse analysis, regardless of their apparent diversity of form? [2]

2. Discourse

From a sociological standpoint, discourse is defined as any practice by which individuals imbue reality with meaning. When defined in these terms, discourse is found in a wide range of forms. Indeed, any social practice from a dance, ritual or a piece of music to a job contract, myth or culinary custom can be analyzed discursively³⁾. Yet the discourse of greatest interest to sociologists is that which takes a verbal form, be it written or spoken. The reason for this special interest in verbal discourse is twofold: a practical one and a theoretical one. In practice, verbal discourse is discourse that can be accessed and examined by the analyst. Indeed, analyses of other forms of discourse, for example visual discourse, often rest on translating the discourse into a verbalized format by means of detailed descriptions. In theory, verbal discourse is a privileged means of producing and transmitting meaning. Although visual discourse, and to a lesser degree harmonic and spatial discourse, is becoming increasingly widespread, verbal communication remains the most common way of producing and transmitting meaning in our society. [3]

Another basic distinction lies in the difference between spontaneous discourse and induced discourse. Spontaneous discourse refers to discourse produced by subjects in their everyday lives. Books, records of court proceedings or television programs, for example, frequently comprise the basic material of sociological discourse analysis. Although these discourses are produced by subjects for specific aims and these aims differ from those of sociologists, they are appropriate for certain types of research purposes. However, induced discourses, produced within the framework of research, are more often the fundamental material which sociologists work with when conducting analyses. In the majority of cases, sociologists prefer to focus on discourse induced by social research methods as it enables them to maintain a relatively high level of control over the conditions in which these discourses emerge. This type of discourse is usually produced in the framework of in-depth interviews or via group dynamics, particularly in the form of group discussions. For this reason, we will refer chiefly to induced discourse when examining the methods used in sociological discourse analysis, while bearing in mind that these approaches can also be applied to spontaneous discourse. [4]

The interest in discourse as a means of understanding social reality is based on the notion of the subjective orientation of social action. Given that social action is guided by the meaning that individuals attach to their actions, we must account for this meaning when attempting to understand and explain the action. Yet meaning is not only a product of individual constraints and beliefs. Instead, the meanings that guide individual actions are, to a large degree, socially produced and shared patterns. In this sense, Alfred SCHUTZ highlights the need to account for the individual's viewpoint in order to explain social action. He also indicates the importance of intersubjectivity as an essential element in the structure of the commonsense world (SCHUTZ, 1962, pp.3ff.; 1964, pp.3ff.). The world in which individuals orient or project their actions is known and understood by them to be a socially organized world. Hence what I know and understand about this world coincides, to some degree, with the knowledge and understanding of the others with whom I relate. As SCHUTZ explains:

"... from the beginning this orientation through understanding occurs in cooperation with other human beings: this world has meaning not only for me but also for you and you and everyone. My experience of the world justifies and corrects itself by the experience of the others with whom I am interrelated by common knowledge, common works, and common suffering. The world, interpreted as the possible field of action for us all: that is the first and most primitive principle of organization of my knowledge of the exterior world in general" (SCHUTZ, 1964, p.9). [5]

For SCHUTZ, the goal of the social sciences should be to provide an explanation of social action based on this subjective viewpoint. In his opinion, the problem of the social sciences lies in how to obtain objective knowledge about this subjective reality. To this end, he proposes the construction of ideal types as a method for gaining scientific knowledge about subjectivity. Thus although he emphasizes the importance of intersubjectivity in the making of this subjective viewpoint, he believes that the substantive research of intersubjective knowledge and understanding (systems of significances, socially shared types) is not relevant to the scientific exploration of subjectivity. However, in contrast to this, qualitative social research aims to obtain objective knowledge about subjectivity from intersubjectivity. [6]

Gaining objective knowledge from intersubjectivity leads to a series of methodological problems that differ from those analysed by SCHUTZ with respect to obtaining objective knowledge from subjectivity. Given that intersubjectivity is a required element of social interaction, it leaves an imprint on the outcome of such interaction, particularly on the discourse that is the product of communication. As SCHUTZ states:

"successful communication is possible only between persons, social groups, nations, etc., who share a substantially similar system of relevances. The greater the differences between their systems of relevances, the fewer the chances for the success of the communication. Complete disparity of the systems of relevances makes the establishment of a universe of discourse entirely impossible" (SCHUTZ, 1962, p.323). [7]

If communication is possible only in the framework of intersubjectivity, its outcome or product, that is, discourse, embodies this intersubjectivity in an implicit manner and can thus be explained through analysis. Qualitative social research focuses its attention on this dimension of social life insofar as the content, extent, limits and structure of intersubjectivity constitute fundamental elements of the subjective orientation of social action. [8]

If we bear in mind that the social universe is largely a space of shared meaning, then discursive practices are clearly important for our knowledge and understanding of social reality. Discourse analysis as a social research method is therefore grounded in two basic assumptions: 1) the knowledge of social intersubjectivity provides us with indirect knowledge about the social order because intersubjectivity is a product of it and because the social order is formed and functions through this social intersubjectivity; 2) discourse analysis allows us to understand social intersubjectivity because discourses contain it and because social intersubjectivity is produced through discursive practices. [9]

3. Levels of Sociological Discourse Analysis

In order to interpret discourse from a sociological standpoint, discourse must first be analyzed from both a textual and a contextual approach. There are, therefore, three different levels of analysis: a textual level, a contextual level and an interpretive level. Although text- and context-based analyses are elements of sociological discourse analysis, they are not in themselves sociological analyses. Textual analysis allows us to characterize discourse as it focuses chiefly on the utterance and considers the discourse as an object of study. Contextual analysis, on the other hand, allows us to understand discourse as it centers on the enunciation, considering the discourse as a singular act or event. Finally, interpretation provides an explanation of the discourse as it addresses sociological aspects and considers discourse as information, ideology or a social product⁴⁾. [10]

These three levels could be considered as a linear process that moves from textual analysis to contextual analysis and finally to interpretation; the latter is understood as the ultimate aim of the analysis. However, this is only so in part. While it is true that there is a principal line of analysis which goes from textual and contextual analysis to interpretation, in practice these three levels do not constitute three separate stages or moments of analysis. Instead, it is common for the analysis to be carried out simultaneously on all three levels in a backwards and forwards movement that resembles a continuous dialogue among the levels. It is therefore not a linear process, but one which is circular and bidirectional and only concludes when the analyst considers that the research objectives have been achieved. Textual analyses and contextual analyses give rise to sociological interpretations, which are, in turn, present in a more or less implicit manner at both levels since it is precisely these interpretations that are of interest or value to the sociological analysis. Textual analysis involves contextual analysis in that it requires contextualization, while contextual analyses orient new textual analyses. And all of this takes place in a circular, on-going process in which the different types of analyses feed back into one another (Diagram 1). [11]

In what follows, we will address these three levels of analysis separately and provide a brief overview of the most relevant methods and procedures of analysis for each. However, we must bear in mind that, in analytical practice, numerous relations arise, merge and intertwine between these levels, making it difficult on occasion to assign a specific type of analysis to a given level. For purposes of clarity, however, we have assigned an analytical procedure to the levels based on the particular characteristics of each.

Diagram 1: Process of sociological discourse analysis [12]

3.1 Textual analysis: Discourse as object

At an initial stage, discourse analysis centers on textuality. The relationship between discourse and text is not univocal, thus the two concepts should not be confused or equated. Indeed, every piece of discourse has a textual form or can acquire it; the same text may include different discourses or the same discourse may adopt different textual forms. Textual analysis considers discourse as an object, giving it the appearance of objectivity and making it especially interesting for those who approach discourse analysis from positivist scientific positions. But this objectivity is only so in appearance because when discourse is considered exclusively as an object of study, the analyst is not eliminated, but hidden. Indeed, behind the seeming objectivity of textual analyses, there is at least a subject who reads the texts, selects the relevant elements and establishes the pertinent relations or significances. Textual analysis can therefore be viewed as a level of discourse analysis in which the subject-analyst is shielded behind standardised methods, allowing her or him to go unnoticed. On the other hand, while it is true that discourses have an objective dimension, they are not only objects. From a sociological standpoint, therefore, the study of the objective dimension of discourse is solely one phase or level of analysis. Discourse not only embeds meaning but also produces it. It is an act and a product as well as an object: for this reason the first level of "objective" analysis is clearly insufficient. In this regard, the confusion between text and discourse can only be explained as an attempt to approach textual analysis in a totalizing manner. [13]

Very few discourses of interest to sociologists appear in a textual form in an immediate manner. Only documents and publications (books, journals or newspapers) contain primary textualized discourse. Thus the first step that is normally taken in textual analysis is to translate the discourse into a textual form. This translation of non-textual discourse to a textual form constitutes the first phase of textual analysis and should therefore be done according to rigorous criteria and procedures. To do so, two procedures are used: description, which is applied to non-verbal discourse, and transcription, which is applied to spoken discourse. The fundamental criterion for translation of both sorts is that it be done in a literal and detailed manner so as to recover all the nuances of the discourse in the best possible manner. It is important to emphasize that the translation of discourse into a textual form is not only important for the first level of analysis, but is also fundamental for contextual analysis and for the interpretation of discourse. Thus, both description and transcription should include all the antecedents and contextual elements of the text that can contribute to its interpretation. So, transcription should include all the non-verbal events (moments of silence and their duration, modulations, emphasis, meaningful gestures and expressions, etc.) as well as the verbal events, whilst the description of a dance or ritual, which should be equally as detailed, should include all of the elements of the context in which the discourse has been constructed. [14]

Textual analysis involves characterizing or determining the composition and structure of the discourse. The aim of textual analysis is not to provide a reduced version of the discourse in order to facilitate study. On the contrary, textual discourse analysis more closely resembles an ensemble approach whereby information is enlarged upon and multiplied rather than reduced. To do so, sociologists usually resort to two techniques: content analysis and semiotic analysis. Indeed, the main schools or trends in textual discourse analysis have been founded upon these two methods of analysis. [15]

For our purposes, these two approaches to analysis are not in the least incompatible or in opposition to one another, but provide very valuable material for the textual characterization of discourse. The choice of approaches will depend solely on the specific aims of the researcher. The misuse or abuse of one or the other is usually the result of a hegemonic, if not exclusive, method of analysis. [16]

Content analysis mainly consists of breaking down or fragmenting the text into pertinent units of information for their subsequent coding and categorization. Content analysis is often considered a strictly inductive method and is even referred to as a process of theory construction. However, the entire procedure is governed by theoretically established categories: the interest or value of the text, how to break it down and, most importantly, how to classify the fragments depends on the theoretical aims of the researcher. Although it is true that the initially established system of categories can be enriched through the analysis, the notion that the text analyses itself or sets down the conditions for analysis is but a mere illusion. [17]

Once the text has been broken down and coded, different methods of analysis are used⁵⁾. Originally, content analysis was markedly quantitative in nature as it centered on the manifest content of messages and was largely limited to a descriptive aim. Indeed, one of the classic definitions of content analysis considers the method to be "a research technique for the objective, systematic-quantitative description of the manifest content of communication" (BERELSON, 1952, p.18). This quantitative-based orientation has accompanied content analysis to the present day, albeit the multivariate analysis methods used have become increasingly sophisticated (multiple correspondence analysis, factor analysis, etc.). [18]

Different types of content analysis can be used depending on the objectives pursued by the researcher or the characteristics of the texts to be analyzed (e.g., the analysis of spontaneous discourse such as newspaper headlines). One type of content analysis that is especially interesting for discourse produced in the context of sociological research (induced discourse) is thematic analysis. This type of analysis centers on the themes or topics around which the discourse is developed. The selection of pertinent topics, the order in which they appear, the time dedicated to each, the relationships between the different topics or how they emerge (in a spontaneous or suggested way) are very important questions to bear in mind when characterizing discourse. [19]

In the 1960s, however, scholars began to point to the need for qualitative approaches to content analysis. One of the most important contributions in this regard is what is known as grounded theory. Originally developed by GLASER and STRAUSS⁶⁾, the basic aim of these qualitative approaches has been to recover the latent meaning of discourse in content analysis. Thus, in addition to what discourses say (manifest content), it is also necessary to account for what is suggested by them or even what is hidden in them⁷⁾. Moreover, the constant comparative method (CCM) derived from grounded theory emphasizes the need for content analysis to pay greater attention to the textual structure (analysis of semantic networks, hierarchical trees, intensity analysis, etc.)⁸⁾. Thus we can speak of a growing interest in the textual structure within content analysis and within discourse analysis in general⁹⁾. [20]

Today, computer applications used in discourse analysis have largely facilitated this type of analysis, leading to greater precision and refinement. While the usefulness of these computer applications chiefly stems from the fact that they adapt well to content analysis, they are also useful for storing data and, in general, for making information more manageable; advantages that are particularly important when dealing with a large amount of information. But in addition to these unquestionable advantages, the use of computer applications for content analysis also has its shortcomings. Perhaps the most important of these is that they give rise to a mechanized notion of analysis by which analysis follows its own logic without the intervention of the subject/researcher. This idea of an "agentless" analysis proves to be very appealing to those interested in a strictly objective analysis. In our opinion, however, the use of computer programs does not eliminate the need for the subject/researcher but it does serve to conceal the researcher as an agent in the analysis process beyond the role of program executor. Although this does not eliminate the necessary intervention of the subject/researcher, it prevents this intervention from being questioned, thus permitting greater maneuverability. Objectivity, however, can only be achieved by taking into account the intervention of the subject, thus making the intervention explicit and subject to criticism. For this reason, the mechanization of the research task must not be used as an analytical shortcut, as it alone does not ensure objectivity. [21]

Content analysis takes meaning for granted as it is based on the assumption that there is a community of meaning or set of shared meanings (language) which determine the meaning of the discourse in an immediate and problem-free manner. In contrast, semiotic analysis does not negate the importance of these shared meanings, but problematizes them: the meaning of discourse is not determined by language or at least not in an absolute and definitive manner. There is not a hierarchical or programmed relationship between language and speech (discourse), but rather a mutually determined dialectical relationship insofar as discourses use language (shared meanings) as a means of expression, but in doing so they also modify or renew it. [22]

Within the field of semiotic analysis it is also possible to distinguish between two broad types or trends: structural semiotic analysis and formal semiotic analysis. Structural semiotic analysis attempts to reveal hidden linguistic codes in order to discover and describe their internal logic, which is understood as a generative matrix that "reproduces" the text¹⁰⁾. This type of structural discourse analysis was largely developed and gained widespread acceptance in the 1960s and 1970s. However, since the end of the past century, the structural analysis of texts has been widely criticized and questioned. One of the fundamental criticisms of this approach has to do with the fact that it views the textual structure of discourses as being autonomous from and external to the subjects that produce them. Indeed, some of the basic assumptions of structural text analysis are clearly abusive and consider textual structures in a totalizing manner; a position which is then imposed upon the discursive practices of the subjects. According to these extreme positions, subjects merely update pre-existing discursive structures which are reproduced outside of their discursive activity¹¹⁾. However, this does not minimize the interest and usefulness of structural analysis for sociological discourse analysis, provided it is considered but another tool to be used in textual analysis and does not supplant the sociological interpretation of discourse, which according to our approach, occurs at a different level. In other words, the structural semiotic analysis of texts is a very useful tool for sociologists when it is not used in a totalizing manner, that is, provided that it is restricted to the textual level and does not lead to sociologically unwarranted interpretations. [23]

Certain poststructuralist approaches do, however, merit stronger criticism insofar as they constitute a nihilist reversal of structuralism and the rejection of both the textual logic and true references of discourse, thus eschewing the existence of social structures (ALONSO, 1988). For sociological analysis, deconstruction—the method preferred by poststructuralists—is little more than a game of signifiers; a game of intra and intertextual differences that may be lots of fun to play, but contribute little to the analysis. They contribute little to sociological discourse analysis because deconstruction attempts to demonstrate that discourse is not transcendent; an aim that is contrary to that pursued by sociologists, that is, to provide evidence for and demonstrate the connections between social discourses and the social reality in which they are produced and in which they circulate. [24]

Formal semiotic analysis, on the other hand, centers its attention on the effects of the meaning of discourse at the enunciation level. It is therefore a first step for considering the context in which the discourse is produced and in which it acts. In the text, form is as significant as content in terms of producing meaning. The formal analysis of a text involves accounting for the rhetorical figures it contains: the types of deixis used (I, you, us, here, there, tomorrow…), verb tenses and modals to indicate doubt, requests or certainty, among others. As we will see below, the difference between contextual analysis and formal semiotic analysis lies in the fact that in the latter these rhetorical elements "rather than referring to a real enunciation, give some indication about the type of communication established, they define the framework of communication" (LOZANO & PEÑA-MARÍN, 1988, pp.295-296). Other relevant questions in terms of the form of texts are the use of lexis, rhetorical devices (metaphors and metonymy) and syntactic forms as they are mechanisms for producing, constraining or liberating meaning. [25]

Yet a textual analysis that makes use of all of the above procedures (content analysis, structural semiotics and formal semiotics) would involve enormous effort, particularly if the analysis is conducted in an exhaustive manner and the number of texts to be analyzed is large. More so if we bear in mind that textual analysis is only the first step—albeit a very important one—in the process of sociological discourse analysis proposed here. For this reason, it is rare for analysts to use each and every one of the available methods. Indeed, given that textual analysis is the first stage of sociological analysis, analysts normally prefer to use only one of the procedures and solely resort to the others in a partial manner to gain deeper insight into a specific aspect of the text. Although a full array of tools are available, it is up to the analyst to select and use them depending on his particular research objectives, the resources available to him (particularly with regard to time) or even his own preferences or theoretical orientations. In general, however, it is advisable to use several methods of textual analysis, albeit as we have said, to a differing degree. By using a diversity of methods, the analyst will be able to gain a broader perspective and contrast a variety of elements, thus enriching the analysis. [26]

3.2 Contextual analysis: Discourse as a singular event

The second level of sociological discourse analysis centers on context. Context is understood as the space in which the discourse has emerged and in which it acquires meaning. On this level, discourse is understood as a singular event produced by subjects who are immersed in a specific time and place within a given symbolic universe and who have their own discursive intentions. Accordingly, it is possible to make a distinction between two types of contexts: situational contexts and intertextual contexts, giving rise in turn to two types of analysis: situational analysis and intertextual analysis¹²⁾. [27]

Situational discourse analysis requires a detailed description of the circumstances in which the discourse has been produced and the characteristics of the subjects that produce it. For example, with regard to induced discourse (discourse produced in the context of social research), if the discourse is individual or collective, if a prior relationship has existed between the subjects researched or between them and the researcher, the available resources (time, discursive capacity and discretion) and even the comfort and habitability of the space are, among others, relevant questions for understanding the local meaning of the discourse. [28]

At this point, the analysis centers on the more pragmatic aspects of the discourse. The basic assumption is that discourse has an intentional dimension and the analyst must therefore inquire as to why the discourse has been produced and for what aim. Situational analysis thus goes beyond a mere description of discourse to provide an initial explanation at a micro-sociological level. Situational analysis requires having sufficient information and an adequate understanding of the circumstances in which the discourse is produced, but also, and more importantly, it focuses on the interactions and dialogical processes involved in its production. While who produced it, under what circumstances and with what purpose are relevant questions for understanding the local meaning of discourse, it is also essential to determine how it was produced, that is, what social processes played a role in producing it. As regards induced discourse, one of the most important questions to be analyzed is the role of the researcher and especially the relationship between the researcher and the subject or subjects involved. Due to the complex nature of situational discourse analysis, the sociologist must resort to different procedures, among them the analysis of discourse positions, frame analysis and conversation analysis. [29]

The analysis of discourse positions is a first step to linking specific discourses with the social space in which they have emerged and is therefore an initial approach to the sociological interpretation of discourse. Discourse positions are understood as typical, socially defined discursive roles that subjects adopt in their concrete discursive practices. But contextual analysis is not as interested in the more or less generalized nature of these positions as it is in the discursive strategies adopted by subjects¹³⁾. When understood as such, discourse positions permit researchers to reconstruct communicative interactions through which the discourse has been produced and in this way gain a better understanding of their meaning from the viewpoint of the subjects that take part in them. [30]

Frame analysis, on the other hand, is a very useful procedure for situational discourse analysis. It is a form of analysis drawn from GOFFMAN (1986), who adopted the concept of frame originally formulated by BATESON in order to extend upon and integrate the notions of façade, performance, frontstage/backstage, role and role-distance (HERRERA & SORIANO, 2004). Frame analysis holds that the local norms governing everyday interactions must be accounted for in order to understand and explain social action. Understanding discourse as a product of communicative interaction therefore requires accounting for the norms that govern the concrete situations in which discourse is produced. These norms are very diverse and both explicit and implicit, ranging from formal codes of conduct to conventions that are shared to some degree by those engaging in the communication. [31]

The general framework of the communicative exchange in which discourse is induced in a social research setting through interviews or group discussions is established by explicit norms set down by the researcher and accepted by the subjects¹⁴⁾. Nonetheless, the acceptance of these interview or group dynamics is often limited. Subjects may understand what is asked of them in an imprecise and erroneous manner, they may openly question the researcher's authority or they may propose other norms depending on their own particular interests or definition of the situation¹⁵⁾. These considerations regarding the dialogic nature of discourse production, which may occur to a lesser or greater degree depending on the circumstances in which discourse is produced¹⁶⁾, open situational analysis to the possibility of negotiating the meaning of the situation itself. In other words, the implicit and explicit norms that govern the communicative event in which discourse is produced are insufficient for characterizing the situation in which such an exchange has occurred. Hence, they are also insufficient for understanding the meaning that the discourse has for the subjects involved. The possibility of negotiating the situation and the norms that govern it (and, in a broader sense, the very meaning of the discourse) means that we must turn to conversational analysis. As we said above, this is the third procedure used to analyze the situational context of discourse. [32]

Conversation analysis views everyday communicative events as a process of negotiating meaning. What is negotiated is the meaning of the communicative situation itself and with it, the meaning of the discourse that is produced. This type of analysis focuses on the pragmatic component of language: through language subjects not only say things, but also do things. And one of the most important things that subjects do with language is to define the situations in which they are immersed. This negotiation of the meaning of a situation is of crucial importance for understanding discourse as it permits us to determine how those involved interpret the communication and its product. Conversational analysis problematizes a question that is evident in our everyday lives: what do speakers want to say when they communicate with us. Negotiating the meaning of the situations we engage in in our everyday lives is a process that goes practically unnoticed. Only when there is serious disagreement as to the meaning of a situation do we use explicit mechanisms to repair it (for example, by asking for or offering explanations) or we choose to put an end to the communication. However, when sociologists analyze discourse they should not take for granted the processes of communicative alignment that occurs among speakers. On the one hand, these processes have a very important substantive value for our analysis, in that they enable us to determine what is being "talked" about; while on the other, they are an element of the communicative situation that is fundamental to our understanding of what the subjects want to say¹⁷⁾. [33]

Being attentive to the discursive roles adopted by speakers (the analysis of discourse positions), the implicit and explicit norms that govern the communicative events in which discourse is produced (frame analysis) and the processes of negotiation in a discursive situation (conversation analysis), enables us to characterize the situational context of the discourse and thus gain deeper insight into what it means for the subjects that produce it. But the context of discourse is not only situational; it is also, as we said before, intertextual. All discourse is embedded in a symbolic and cultural universe in which it acquires meaning. Thus intertextual analysis permits us to understand discourse by referring to all of the discourses that circulate in the social space. [34]

Two forms of intertextual analyses are especially interesting for sociologists who analyze discourse. The first of these was originally put forward by Norman FAIRCLOUGH (1995). This approach consists of seeking the presence of features from other discourses in the discourse to be analyzed. This concept of intertextuality is built on the notion that subjects resort to discourses circulating in the social space in order to produce their own discourse. Discursive activity thus understood is equivalent to selecting and combining elements from other discourses. Intertextuality, which is understood as a discursive bricolage, led FAIRCLOUGH to interpret discourse as a symptom of ideological domination: subjects are reduced to being mere reproducers of dominant discourses¹⁸⁾. An interpretation of this type clearly limits the interest that this approach holds for sociological discourse analysis. Of greater interest is the concept of intertextuality proposed by FOUCAULT (1973). Rather than identifying external discourses, this method is based on comparative analysis: the meaning of discourse emerges in reference to other discourses with which it engages in dialogue, be it in an explicit or implicit manner. The analyst must ask "each fragment of an analyzed discourse about its presuppositions, which other discourses it dialogues with and thus with which other discourse or discourses it has an associative or conflictive relationship" (ALONSO & CALLEJO, 1999, p.49). The value of discourse therefore stems from its similarities and differences with respect to other discourses. [35]

The contextual analysis described here is undoubtedly of enormous interest in itself. As highlighted above, this type of analysis often attempts to provide an explanation for the communicative processes that occur in everyday interactions, thus offering scientific insight into one of the most important processes which, from a micro-sociological view, governs social life. However, from the standpoint of sociological analysis, interest in contextual analysis is merely instrumental. The contextual level of analysis permits us to understand the meaning that discourse has for those who engage in it and therefore centers on how the subjects involved interpret the social situations in which the discourses emerge and in the discursive spheres in which they are projected. Sociological discourse analysis must account for the subjects' interpretations of the event. That is, it is necessary to understand the meaning that the discourse holds for them, but only to formulate one's own interpretation; an interpretation which must be compatible with those interpretations but is not directly derivable from them. [36]

3.3 Sociological analysis: Discourse as information, ideology and a social product

At the final level of sociological analysis, discourse requires interpretation. Yet while interpretation constitutes a third level of sociological discourse analysis, it is also present throughout the analytical process, that is, in the two prior levels. The establishment, for example, of a system of categories for content analysis or the textual structure of the discourse already involves a certain process of interpretation. As stated above, this is so because although interpretation is the final level of analysis, and as such the culmination of the sociological analysis, analysis is conducted in a constant and bidirectional manner among these three levels. [37]

The sociological interpretation of discourse involves making connections between the discourses analyzed and the social space in which they have emerged. These links or connections can be very diverse depending on the analyst's own theoretical orientation. In practice, however, sociological interpretations of discourse are limited to three types: those which consider discourse as social information, those which consider discourse as a reflection of the ideologies of the subjects who engage in it, and those which consider discourse as a social product. Yet these three types of interpretations are not mutually exclusive. Indeed, analysts often use a combination of two or even all three forms of interpretation. [38]

A first type of sociological interpretation focuses on the informative dimension of discourse. The mere fact that subjects are involved in, and have contact with, the social reality under investigation means that they are familiar with and knowledgeable about it. Discourses contain this knowledge of social reality; hence the analysis should provide relevant information about it. This type of interpretation attempts to explain discourse in terms of the social competence of subjects as informants, namely their knowledge of the reality, their expository capacity, etc. [39]

The quality of information about the social reality that is contained in discourse varies according to the level of knowledge that each individual has about this social reality. But this quality is limited since the information that subjects have about social reality is partial in a twofold way. First because it refers to a limited parcel of this reality—the parcel subjects are in contact with and their degree of contact depending on the position they occupy within the social structure. However, this limitation can be overcome by resorting to a range of informants who can offer a global vision of the reality that is of interest to us. But the information that subjects provide about this social reality is also partial insofar as it is filtered by their own particular point of view. In addition to the informative component, discourses include an ideological component. To put it another way, discourses contain knowledge about the social reality, but this reality is perceived from the viewpoint of the subjects that engage in them. Nonetheless, analysts can get around this limitation, or at least mitigate it, by abstracting in the interpretation all of the aspects of the discourse that are attributable to the subjective position of the informants. [40]

In spite of these limitations, it is common practice to interpret discourse as information and a very useful one for the purpose of sociological analysis. Indeed, this type of interpretation is prevalent in analyses based on the grounded theory approach or the analysis of expert discourses in applied research. The reason for this widespread interest in the informative interpretation of discourse can be sought in its usefulness since, in practice, social discourse analysis provides us with valid and relevant information about the social reality. In the following section we will return to this important question when discussing inductive inference as the logic upon which these types of interpretation are based. [41]

In contrast, the ideological partiality of discourse, which is a limitation to its informative interpretation, is the basis for interpreting discourse as ideology¹⁹⁾. What is of interest to the analyst in this type of interpretation is the subject's particular viewpoint. This viewpoint is not considered to be a subjectivist bias of the discourse but an indication of ideological constructs, which are understood as intersubjective modes of perceiving the world and finding one's place in it; a process common to subjects immersed in concrete social and historical contexts. This type of ideological interpretation is a characteristic feature of critical discourse analysis (CDA), which aims to demonstrate how social discourses are impregnated by dominant discourses projected from sources of power (VAN DIJK, 1999). Discourse is therefore understood to mirror mechanisms of ideological domination. But discourse can also be considered a potential mechanism of liberation. Discourse in this case is produced by the critical analyst who reveals or manifests these mechanisms of ideological domination in an attempt to overcome or eliminate them. [42]

CDA has grown out of approaches more akin to psychology or social psychology than sociology, although this does not mean that it is lacking in interest for sociological interpretation. Indeed, the presence of diverse mental constructs such as shared patterns of understanding and interpretation, interpretative repertoires (POTTER & WETHERELL, 1987) or mental representations can be derived from discourse analysis. In an explicit manner, BILLIG (1991) refers to these mental constructs as ideologies. This type of interpretation places emphasis on the cognitive structures involved in discourse where these structures are understood as shared patterns of meaning or common ways of perceiving reality. Nonetheless, the sociological interest of CDA is limited in that it considers the pragmatic effects of discourse in relation to the immediate social context, but does not link it to the broader social context. [43]

The ideological interpretation of discourse is also characteristic of Pierre BOURDIEU's analysis of what he terms linguistic markets (BOURDIEU, 1991). According to BOURDIEU, discourse reflects the habitus of the subject who produces it. In this sense, habitus is understood as the discursive competence of the subject, which derives from belonging to a given social group and from the social experience that is conditioned by this belonging. Social discourses will not only vary, in the sense that they will depend on the social position of the individual who engages in them, but they will also have a different social value. This led BOURDIEU to speak of linguistic markets as mechanisms that establish and maintain the unequal value of different social discourses. The diversity of social discourses is therefore considered a reflection of social inequality and a cultural mechanism of domination or a means to preserve these social inequalities (ALONSO, 2002). [44]

A third type of sociological interpretation considers discourse as a social product. Every product reflects the social conditions under which it has been produced. By analyzing the product, fundamental aspects of life and the social structure are revealed to us in an indirect manner. If this is so for any product, it should hold even more so for discourse in that discourse is a product that carries a heavy symbolic load. The key questions for this type of interpretation are: Why have certain discourses been produced (and not others)? What social conditions have allowed certain discourses to emerge and not others? This type of interpretation involves taking a larger step or breaking away from discourse in that it establishes a connection with the wider social context. [45]

The interpretation of discourse as a social product is present to a greater or lesser degree in practically all sociological discourse analyses. In the sphere of Spanish sociology, the interpretation of discourse as a social product is a salient feature of the classic approaches of Jesus IBÁÑEZ (1979, 1985) or the more recent approaches of Fernando CONDE (2002, 2007). It is also characteristic of Foucaultian Analysis, although this particular approach is usually combined with an ideological interpretation.

"The starting point of the FOUCAULTian analysis of statements is thus the diversity of all statements whose positivity is in need of investigation. The point here is to analyse the historical conditions of the actual existence of statements. (...) First he asks which object or area of knowledge is discursively produced; second, he asks according to what logic is the terminology constructed; third, he asks who authorized it; and finally, he asks which strategic goals are being pursued in the discourse" (Díaz-Bone et al., 2007, p.5). [46]

Unquestionably, interpretation is the aspect of sociological discourse analysis that has aroused greatest suspicion. This is because interpretation requires moving beyond the specific discourse being analyzed. But although a leap must be made when interpreting discourse, it is not a leap in the dark. On the one hand, it is grounded in textual and contextual analyses: the information about the discourse produced in the two previous levels provides a strong foothold for the interpretative leap. On the other hand, although analysts have plenty of room to manoeuvre in sociological discourse analysis, their analyses are conducted according to a strict scientific logic which will be discussed in further detail below.

Table 1: Summary of the levels and procedures of analysis. [47]

4. The Logic of Sociological Discourse Interpretation

The sociological interpretation of discourse is based on a logic that is uncommon or at least different from the logic followed in the majority of scientific inferences. On occasion, this has led to the view that the interpretations are poorly founded or even arbitrary. With a view to correcting these misunderstandings and misconceptions, we will discuss the logic or logics used in this research practice; specifically inductive logic, abductive logic or a combination of both. [48]

At times sociological interpretations of discourse are presented in the form of inductive inferences insofar as they are generalizations based on observations²⁰⁾. These generalizations, however, have some peculiar characteristics in the case of sociological discourse interpretation, particularly with regard to the number of cases analysts work with. Although a large number of cases allow inductions to be verified with a greater degree of certainty, sociological interpretation of discourse does not require a large number of cases to make inductive inferences. In fact, it is possible to make inductive inferences with a small number of discourses in that society is a complex system. The different elements of such systems are not isolated from one another, but are intertwined with other elements of the system in such a manner that the information they possess about it is directly derived from the position they occupy within the system. Hence the information one individual provides is interchangeable with the information provided by any other individual in the same or a similar social position. It is therefore sufficient to examine a small sample of discourses produced by subjects who occupy positions that are significant to the research inquiry²¹⁾. [49]

The peculiar form adopted by induction in the sociological interpretation of discourse has important consequences in terms of how unexpected or unforeseen cases are dealt with. Contrary to what POPPER (1965) claims, when the evidence does not fit into the theory, we must not necessarily abandon or refute the theory. Instead, unforeseeable results should lead us to modify and progressively refine our theories to explain these new findings. Thus, new discoveries do not always question the validity of what is already known, but enable us to enlarge upon our knowledge. [50]

While unexpected or unforeseeable results do not always lead us to refute the theoretical framework upon which our predictions are based, on occasion they do. When unexpected results cannot be reincorporated by extending the theory, we must abandon it and seek a new theory that serves to explain the diversity of what is real²²⁾. This search for a new theory brings us to the second logic-based approach to sociological discourse interpretation: abduction. Although interpretation by induction is a very frequent and fruitful practice, interpretation by abduction is the major contribution of sociological discourse analysis (ALONSO, 1998). Abduction can be defined as an inference in which the conclusion is a hypothesis. The term was originally defined by PEIRCE, who held that:

 "accepting the conclusion that an explanation is needed when facts contrary to what we should expect emerge, it follows that the explanation must be such a proposition as would lead to the prediction of the observed facts, either as necessary consequences or at least as very probable under the circumstances. A hypothesis, then, has to be adopted, which is likely in itself, and renders the facts likely. This step of adopting a hypothesis as being suggested by the facts, is what I call abduction" (PEIRCE, 1901, p.202)²³⁾. [51]

Clearly, this is a weak form of inference. This weakness, however, is not a problem for PEIRCE, who never questioned the logical nature of abductive inference²⁴⁾. Indeed, one of PEIRCE's main contributions was to demonstrate that reasoning is not limited solely to deduction, but also involves induction and abduction (DEBROCK, 1998). Moreover, abductive inference is of special importance to scientific method in that it is the only process by which new ideas can be introduced in science and is therefore the logical basis of scientific creativity. Hence abduction, as well as deduction and induction, are processes of inference or reasoning that constitute three interdependent states of scientific research. Scientific research starts from abductively inferred hypotheses, is followed by deductively inferred implications of those hypotheses and concludes with the inductively inferred empirical verification of those implications. While induction (and deduction) responds to a logic of scientific verification, abduction responds to a logic of scientific discovery (HOFFMAN, 1998)²⁵⁾. [52]

This weakness is not, however, the main problem of abductive inference. The real problem lies in how to formulate an abduction. PEIRCE was not especially clear on this point when he referred to a "flash of understanding" or when attributing abductive capacity to an adaptive instinct: abduction emerges from a need (the need to explain surprising or unexpected facts) and depends on a capacity developed by human beings, particularly scientists. Yet making the formulation of abductions depend on an instinct would seem to contradict the very nature of logical inference. However, as PEIRCE did not believe a formal procedure was necessary to formulate abductions, he did not consider this question a problem. In fact, later attempts to formalize abduction have not obtained very promising results. The formalization of scientific creativity is not only difficult and even counterproductive, but in PEIRCE's opinion, is unnecessary as it does not compromise the logical nature of science. [53]

Although PEIRCE does not establish procedures to formulate abductions, he does set down criteria to distinguish between a good and a bad abduction; a sort of pragmatic guide for their formulation. Specifically, he provides three criteria: the need for abduction to propose truly "new" ideas or explanations, the need to derive empirically contrastable predictions from the hypotheses and the need for the hypotheses to fit in with or give an adequate account of the social and historical context in which they emerge. The first of these conditions cautions us against false abductions, that is, those which, in the strict sense, are a veiled deduction in that they are based on an analogy of properties (DEBROCK, 1998). The second condition focuses on the role of abduction within the process of scientific research: for abduction to be a driving force of scientific research, it must permit derivation through the deduction of empirically contrastable predictions (SANTAELLA, 1998). Finally, the third condition alludes to scientific intersubjectivity as a criterion that permits the set of possible abductions to be established (HOFFMAN, 1998). [54]

Because sociological interpretations of discourse adopt the logical form of an abduction, they provide an explanation of the discourse as an indication or symptom of broader social phenomena. In this sense, abduction is akin to detective reasoning in that detectives interpret clues that permit the course of events to be reconstructed (ALONSO, 1998). Abduction also resembles a doctor's process of reasoning when making inferences about the presence of illness based on symptoms²⁶⁾. Abduction has as its function to return rationality to the world when this rationality has been lost or questioned due to the presence of surprising or unexpected facts. But by doing so, it also contributes to our knowledge of the world by revealing and manifesting aspects of that world that were not previously taken into consideration. Surprise is not the consequence of defective or anomalous scientific practice, but is instead the basis of scientific discovery. Qualitative methodology provides the conditions for the unexpected to emerge in discourse insofar as it is an open and flexible methodology that encourages the manifestation of what is implicit and that which must emerge. The sociological interpretation of discourse, in that it is an application of abductive logic, therefore provides us with tools to deal with the unexpected in a scientific manner. [55]

5. Analysis in Practice: An Example

In practice, the sociological analysis of discourse is conducted simultaneously on the three levels described above (textual, .

 رویت کامل